By Isaac Saney, James Count Early
Amid one of the most severe economic moments since the triumph of the Cuban Revolution, and under the weight of a suffocating, ever-expanding U.S. imperial siege, Cuba is attempting something that remains almost unthinkable in the so-called advanced capitalist democracies: it is consciously and systematically expanding and deepening citizen involvement in deciding the country’s economic and political future. While political systems in wealthy Western nations increasingly marginalize working populations from meaningful participation in economic decision-making, Cuba insists that resolving the current crisis must be a collective, participatory, and profoundly democratic undertaking.
Cuban President Díaz-Canel frames the political direction by emphasizing “that democracy is not an abstract concept, but a daily practice that is strengthened with the active participation of all and for the good of all, with transparency in management and with shared responsibility.” Progressives and socialists internationally should therefore pay careful attention to the debates over internal governance unfolding in Cuba—debates that involve Cuban citizens, the citizen members of the Communist Party of Cuba, and the country’s elected institutions of popular power. These discussions focus on how best to reorganize and mobilize Cuba’s human and material resources in the face of extraordinary external pressures, including adjustments in party structures, government administration, and the deployment of national capacities.
Such deliberations are not new. They are part of a long-standing and evolving tradition in Cuban political culture, in which major domestic policy shifts are preceded by extensive public discussion and institutional debate. Yet critics of Cuban socialism—and even some rigid sectors of the international left—are likely to misinterpret these developments. Many will hastily claim that the Cuban government is capitulating to pressure from the administration of Donald Trump and the aggressive anti-Cuba policies associated with figures such as Marco Rubio. Such claims ignore the reality that the current policy discussions are rooted in Cuba’s own internal political processes and reflect an ongoing effort to expand and deepen democratic participation in national decision-making, particularly at provincial and municipal levels of citizen representation.
A National Program for Economic Recovery
On October 26, 2025, the Cuban government released a comprehensive ninety-two-page programmatic document outlining a far-reaching roadmap for confronting the country’s current economic challenges. This blueprint articulates a coordinated effort built around ten general objectives, 106 specific objectives, 342 concrete actions, and 264 indicators and targets—a straightforward internal policy making and policy implementation review resulting in a level of detail that underscores both the gravity of the issues of governance and economic stability that Cubans are tackling, and the seriousness of the proposed response.
The overarching goal is clear: to advance the gradual recovery of the economy, improve state management, and overcome the complex and multifaceted crisis facing the nation—and to do so through more timely and efficient direct citizen governance. The current crisis has been exacerbated by external pressures, structural vulnerabilities, the intensification of the U.S. blockade, and brutal economic warfare designed to overthrow the Cuban government. In response to internal imperatives and external threats, the Cuban government, through improved statecraft, seeks to mobilize institutions, enterprises, territorial bodies, and the general population in a unified effort to stabilize and revitalize the country’s economic life. Far from treating the population as passive spectators to centralized technocratic decision-making, Cuba has embarked on an expansive national process of consultation, debate, and popular input tied to the Government Program to correct distortions and revitalize the economy.
Contrary to propaganda from anti–Cuban government critics, the U.S.-legislated economic war against the people of Cuba and their government does not deter the Cuban government from serious self-evaluation. Like his predecessors, President Díaz-Canel has been clear and consistent with the public, the government, and Communist Party that
We can’t look at the road travelled without questioning our shadows. We suffer greatly from the consequences of formalism and improvisation that very often distorts and thwarts strategic planning. And centralism still slows us down too much, that is, the excess of centralization that curbs the creative initiative of individuals, collectives, and municipalities. To recognize it is not to weaken ourselves; it is to strengthen ourselves. The real revolution is the one that lives criticizing itself so as not to grow old.
The program—structured around ten general objectives and 106 interconnected goals—has become the framework through which the state seeks to address the crisis with the people, not over their heads.
Popular Consultation as Governance
During a session of the Council of State, chaired by Esteban Lazo Hernández and attended by President Miguel Díaz Canel and Prime Minister Manuel Marrero Cruz, Cuba’s leadership underscored the centrality of a nationwide consultation process held between November 15 and December 30. Díaz-Canel described the exercise as a “participatory and contributory process of collective construction.” Its purpose is not only to strengthen the Government Program through the population’s proposals but also to deepen public understanding of the economic challenges and mobilize society for their resolution.
This is not democracy understood merely as periodic elections or focus-grouped political messaging. It is democracy as substantive, critical engagement—a process through which citizens deliberate, critique, and contribute to the shaping of national policy. In a context defined by extreme scarcity, intensified blockade pressure, and deep structural constraints, Cuba insists that the people must remain protagonists of the country’s political policy making and economic reconstruction.
By contrast, in Western capitalist societies—whose political systems claim democratic superiority—working people are largely excluded from meaningful economic decision-making. Policies shaping austerity, taxation, labour markets, monetary policy, and social programs are routinely determined by technocrats, corporate executives, and unaccountable financial institutions. Elections change little; citizens are treated as consumers of political brands rather than participants in shaping a collective future. The result is widespread alienation and cynicism. Cuba’s socialist approach stands as a profound rebuke to this corporate capitalist oligarch-led model, now under severe critique in the United States.
Crisis Management Through Collective Input
Central to Cuba’s strategy is the recognition that economic stabilization cannot be imposed from above. Deputy Prime Minister Oscar Pérez Oliva Fraga emphasized that the Program operates through continuous monitoring, debate, and public discussion. This reflects the realities of Cuba’s economic situation. As a small and trade-dependent economy, the country faces enormous distortions caused by the U.S. blockade and by its forced exclusion from the international financial system. The economic war’s intensification—including Cuba’s placement on the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism—severely obstructs banking operations, investment flows, and basic trade.
Given these hostile conditions, the Program seeks to strengthen internal capacities: expanding domestic food production, incentivizing national industry, reducing import dependency, and fostering the development and autonomy of socialist enterprises and territorial governments. The aim is not merely economic adjustment but the transformation of the economic system in ways that preserve social equity and socialist principles.
Stabilization Without Sacrificing the People
Minister of Economy and Planning Joaquín Alonso Vázquez has acknowledged that while progress has been made in reducing the fiscal deficit, it remains high and continues to generate inflationary pressures. Crucially, the Cuban leadership insists that stabilization must occur “without anyone being left behind.” Workers, pensioners, and vulnerable populations must not bear the cost of adjustment. This approach contrasts sharply with the neoliberal practices common in capitalist economies, where stabilization policies—often framed as fiscal discipline—frequently translate into austerity measures imposed on the poor and working class.
Despite enormous constraints, Cuba has maintained a surplus in the current account of the state budget while containing monetary issuance. At the same time, the government is strengthening the National Tax Administration Office, combating price violations—over one million have been detected—and restructuring foreign currency management. These measures aim not at dismantling social protections but at restoring economic order while safeguarding the social fabric.
Revitalizing the Socialist Enterprise
A central pillar of the Program is the revitalization of the socialist state enterprise and the empowerment of territorial governments as drivers of development. Cuba must expand production in sectors such as sugar, honey, charcoal, and agricultural goods—areas that remain underutilized despite their potential. Import substitution is therefore not a narrow economic dogma but a strategic priority aimed at preserving scarce foreign currency and strengthening national sovereignty.
To accomplish this, enterprises must achieve greater autonomy and responsiveness within a stable macroeconomic framework. The goal is to create conditions where economic actors can function effectively within a regulated exchange market and improved access to wholesale inputs—while maintaining the socialist commitment to equity and universal rights.
Social Protection and Revolutionary Governance
Even amid crisis, Cuba continues to prioritize social justice. Deputy Prime Minister Eduardo Martínez Díaz highlighted that more than thirty social programs across thirteen major policy areas are currently being implemented nationwide. These initiatives strengthen healthcare, education, and the implementation of the Code for Children, Adolescents, and Youth. At the grassroots level, cadres play a vital role in explaining policies, organizing debate, and mobilizing communities. Far from the stereotype of a rigid bureaucratic state, this reflects a model of socialist democracy grounded in political education, communication, and collective responsibility. As Jorge Luis Broche Lorenzo has emphasized, the Government Program functions as a tactical instrument aligned with Cuba’s long-term socialist model. Its success depends on the synergy between economic policy and political mobilization.
Resilience and Revolutionary Continuity
This context is essential for understanding recent remarks by President Miguel Díaz Canel, who invoked the enduring spirit of resistance that has defined Cuba since 1959. Addressing national institutions, he delivered a message that resonated widely across the country: “¡La rendición nunca ha sido alternativa!”: “Surrender has never been an option!”
The phrase captures a central theme of Cuban political culture: resilience in the face of decades of economic warfare, diplomatic hostility, and the ongoing U.S. blockade. Díaz-Canel described the Cuban people as “unbreakable,” emphasizing their collective capacity to confront immense hardship. At the same time, he insisted that resilience cannot mean stagnation. The debates unfolding within Cuban institutions, he explained, are marked not by pessimism but by frank evaluation and proposals for transformation: “There was no pessimism,” he noted, “only honest assessments and proposals for change.”
Central to this process is renewed civic engagement. Díaz-Canel has repeatedly called on citizens to remain actively involved in shaping the country’s future. “Only together can we overcome these challenges and build a prosperous and just nation,” he stated—an appeal consistent with the principles of socialist democracy embedded in the Constitution of Cuba.
Democracy Under Pressure
In this sense, the current debates reflect a broader effort to decentralize decision-making, strengthen grassroots participation, and reinvigorate national institutions. Cuba’s attempt to confront its economic crisis through mass consultation and participatory governance offers a powerful lesson in a world increasingly dominated by oligarchic capitalism. Under extraordinary external pressure—blockade, sanctions, financial exclusion, and global inequality—Cuba chooses not to contract democracy but to expand it.
This is not an aberration or a temporary crisis response. It is a defining feature of the revolutionary project. The nationwide debates surrounding the 2019 Constitution and the recent Family Code stand among the most extensive democratic consultations in the contemporary world. Earlier precedents—most notably the Workers’ Parliaments of 1994, when millions of workers met in tens of thousands of assemblies during the Special Period—demonstrate the depth of this tradition.
Time and again, Cuba has turned to its people as the ultimate source of legitimacy, creativity, and political strength. In contrast, the advanced capitalist states—wealthy and powerful yet plagued by political alienation—systematically exclude their populations from meaningful participation in economic governance. Their crisis is not scarcity but democracy itself: a crisis of representation, disconnection, and oligarchic domination.
Cuba, facing far greater obstacles, insists on another path. It is a path where the people, through struggle, debate, and collective will, chart the course of their society. A path where socialism is not merely an economic system but a form of popular power—and where even under siege, the people remain the authors and protagonists of their nation’s future.
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